PUCL Press Statement on
Detention of Himanshu
The PUCL condemns the detention of Himanshu of
Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA), Dantewada and PUCL State Executive
member of the Chhattisgarh at Kanker Police Station today 3rd January, 10. This
detention has been made on the eve of the Public Hearing that
was being organised by VCA on the atrocities being committed by police and
security forces in that area. According to the VCA the detention of Himanshu at
this stage is to clearly sabotage the hearing.
Himanshu’s detention follows a series of harassment
that he and his organisation have been subjected to which include
· Demolition of his ashram outside Dantewda,
· Arrest of Sukhnath on 1st August, ’09 and of Kopa Kunjam
on 10th December, ’09, both senior activists of VCA , under chhattisgharh
Special Public Security Act, 2005, who were trying to implement the SC orders
of implementing the Internally displaced people.
· Preventing Himanshu from taking out a padyatra
through the villages of Dantewada district, in December, ‘09
· Intimidation by the police and salwa judum
activists to harass women’s groups who were prevented from reaching Dantewada
on 15 December, ’09.
· Illegal Detention and intimidation of the 5 women
who were fighting their own cases of rape by salwa judum members. They
were forcibly made to sign papers by SPOs and Police when they were
illegally detained after 15 December, ’09 for 5 days at Dronpal Police
Station, that they
were not wanting to pursue their cases
· Intimidation by the administration of the landlord
who rented the house to Himanshu following which he is being forced to vacate
the premises.
· Preventing Himanshu and VCa from even booking rooms
at the local Dharmashala including forcing one owner to return the money of
rooms he had booked for VCA.
Today too he was trying to escort Shambhu to Raipur, a victim of operation green
hunt who sustained
bullet injuries in her leg and had to get to Delhi for treatment. She was
prevented by the
Police from undertaking the travel so Himanshu with others boarded the vehicle
and were detained at Kanker, Jagdalpur.
PUCL demands that the Chhattisgarh State
Government release Himanshu and Kopa and Sukhnath immediately along with
ending all harassment of Himanshu Kumar and other members of the VCA who have a
right to exercise their democratic rights.
PUCL demands that the State Government
implement the SC orders of rehabilitation of internally displaced people which
was the main work of Himanshu and the VCA which the local administration and
the Government did not like. PUCL also demands Stopping of all operations
like green hunt and others that are responsible for human rights violations and
letting activists and media to freely move in the areas.
Prabhakar Sinha
(President)
Pushkar
Raj (General Secretary)
--
Office:
270A, Patpar Ganj, , Mayur Vihar-I, Delhi-110091
ph. 22750014
098106-56100
www.pucl.org
The state of Chhattisgarh has
been witnessing massive displacement of adivasis because violence by Salwa
Judum and other forces deployed by the Central government. Nearly 3,00,000
adivasis in 700 villages have been displaced while this resource rich land is
being sold off to mining corporations, both Indian and foreign. Accompanying this displacement is an
equally brutal violation of human rights, through perpetration of torture, rape
and physical violence against adivasi
In this regard, civil society and concerned individuals have come
together as the Campaign for Justice and Peace(Karnataka) to organize a peaceful demonstration in an attempt
to show solidarity with Himashu Kumar, of the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA) in
Dantewada, Chhattisgarh, wherein he will complete eight days of fasting towards
self purification. Members of this campaign comprise
civil society groups, students, lawyers and individuals who condemn Operation
Greenhunt, a military offensive launched by the Central Government in the "Maoist-affected" states.
Please come dressed in WHITE and bring as many people as you can
------
The Campaign for Justice and Peace (Karnataka) are organizing
this demonstration to raise awareness amongst people of Bangalore as a response
to the following:
Forcible
eviction of more than 3 lakh adivasis, nearlyhalf the total population of Dantewada
are displaced. Their womenfolk raped, daughters killed and youth maimed.
About
50,000 adivasis who could not escape
into the jungle were herded together into refugee camps run and managed by the
Salwa Judum. 640 villages are empty now.
Nearly
50,000 adivasis have migrated to AP
and Orissa. About 2 lakh adivasis are
still hiding for their lives in the jungles of Chhattisgarh.
Independent
reports reveal that adivasis have no
access to food, shelter, water, health and education facilities. The vigilante
forces have created an extreme climate of fear and repression. The State
Government has failed to carry out the rehabilitation of adivasis as directed
by the Supreme Court.
The
Supreme Court has directed the government to file an Action Taken Report on the
implementation of compensation and rehabilitation measures and register FIRs
against cognizable offences.
Our demands to the Governments of India and Chhattisgarh are:
Withdraw
all paramilitary forces in adivasi
areas and disband Salwa Judum
Implement
the Supreme Courts order on rehabilitating adivasis
in Chhattisgarh
Repeal the
Unlawful Activity (Prevention) Act & Chhattisgarh Special Public Security
Act
Cancel all
existing MOUs with large corporations (especially those engaged in mining
minerals) and start dialogue with adivasi
representatives
Restore
civil administration in all villages of Chhattisgarh
The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act,
2009:
The Story of a Missed Opportunity.
- Muchkund Dubey
The Right to Free and Compulsory Education Bill, 2009, was enacted into law
after it was passed by both the Houses of the Indian Parliament and signed by
the President of India. Its main purpose is to provide free and compulsory
education for children in the age group of 6 to 14 years. There have been
extensive debates on the extent to which this Act will help in
implementing right to education as provided in Article 21-A of the Indian
Constitution. What has been ignored in the discussions is that the Act
misses the excellent opportunity provided to the nation for bringing about a
radical transformation of the school education system in India.
While discussing the
problems of school education in India,
a few issues are
repeatedly raised: absence of teachers from schools,
lack of interest on the part of the parents or guardians, deficiencies in
curriculum and syllabus, wrong methods of teaching etc. But these
problems cannot be viewed in isolation and in a fragmented fashion. For,
their roots are spread deep in the entire system. Therefore, if one wants to
solve these problems, then it would be necessary to transform the entire
education system. What are the systemic and fundamental problems of
the Indian school education system?
Access
Firstly, there is the problem
of access. School education is simply unavailable to the vast number of
children in the country. During the last few decades, there has been
significant progress in improving enrollment. Gross enrollment ratio
(GER) from Class I to VIII was 94.9 percent and from Class I to XII, 77
percent.[1] The Government primarily
relies on GER to bolster its claim for progress made in expanding school
education in India.
But enrollment is a very unreliable basis for assessing the degree of access to
school education. Firstly, enrollment figures are generally rigged and
exaggerated for various administrative and political purposes. Moreover, in
order to assess the progress in expanding school education, it is important to
take into account the figures for attendance and also for drop-out from
among those who are enrolled. The attendance has generally been found to
be at least 25 percent below enrollment. The drop-out rates are
exorbitantly high. For the country as a whole, the drop-out rate from
Class I to X was 61.6 percent; and in a State like Bihar
it was above 75 percent.[2] Among those who drop out, the
percentage of children belonging to Scheduled Castes in the country as a
whole was 70.6 and of the Scheduled Tribes, 78.5.[3]
In Bihar, the figure was close to 90 percent
for both the categories.[4] The net result is that a
sizeable percentage, as much as 30 percent, of children in the school-going age
in India are out of school; the percentage is as high as 50 in Bihar (1.5
crores out of 3 crores children in the school going age group).[5]
13% of habitations have no schools even at the primary level.[6]
Thus a huge number of children are excluded from
school education. This is thus a colossal waste of human resources.
Besides educational exclusion is the worst form of exclusion because it
means exclusion from other walks of life and areas of activities such as
livelihood, knowledge, status in society, human dignity etc. Moreover,
educational exclusion becomes cumulative as it is carried over from generation
to generation. For, it is seen that educated parents are more inclined to
educate their children than those who are uneducated. Besides, exclusion from
school education, particularly at the primary level, is a denial of human
rights both in accordance with the provision in the Indian Constitution and the
relevant provision of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The Act sets no dateline
for the universalization of education from Class I to VIII.
Different datelines have been given for different
purposes, which are not mutually consistent and in the absence of any plan or
resources required for achieving them, it is doubtful that they would be
adhered to. The most important dateline is in Section 6 of the Act which
states:
“For carrying out the provisions of this Act,
appropriate government and local authority shall establish, within such area or
limits of neighbourhood as may be prescribed, a school, where it is not so
established, within a period of three years from the commencement of this
Act”.
It is further stated that teachers will acquire the requisite qualification and
prescribed training within a period of 5 years. At
another place, it is laid down that pupil-teacher ratio of 40:1
prescribed in the Act, will be achieved within six months. Does this mean that
all the teachers required, even though they are not qualified, will be
recruited within six months? Is it at all feasible? Even if it is so, but
if the schools are not there, where will they teach? This provision also
implies that pupil-teacher ratio could be maintained at least until
the next 5 years, by continuing the practice of appointing
para-teachers or untrained teachers. The Act makes no estimate of the additional
number of schools to be built, additional number of teachers to be recruited
and trained, and training institutions to be created and restored. This has all
been left to be determined by the appropriate government and local
authority. The way the government machinery functions, it is doubtful if these
tasks would be accomplished within the specified time limits. All this should
have been done and additional financial requirement should have been calculated
and provided for before moving the Bill in the Parliament. In the absence
of the fulfillment of these requirements, the attainment of targets set in the
Act and of the overall goal of universalization appears highly
improbable.
The Common School System Commission, Bihar,
in its report, estimated that in
order to universalize free and compulsory education for children in the
age group 5 to 14 in 5 years, universalise education for children from Class IX
to X in 8 years and to facilitate transit to Class XI to XII of 70
percent of those who will pass Class X, in 9 years, 25,900 additional primary
schools, 15,500 Middle schools and 19,100 Secondary schools will have to be
built. The number of additional teachers to be recruited for achieving the
above goals would be 2.55 lakhs at the primary level, 3.24 lakhs at the Middle
level and 4.29 lakhs at the Secondary level.[7]
It stands to reason that the very first and the most essential
requirement to be fulfilled for universalizing quality school education, is to
build these additional schools, recruit these additional teachers and provide
training for them. As already stated, the Act does not make any attempt to
quantify these requirements.
Quality
The second systemic problem of school education in India
is its abysmally poor quality. This has been attributed to a variety of
factors, including poor curriculum and syllabus, deficient pedagogy, negligent
teachers and parents who are unconcerned. But the real reason is the gross
under-funding of school education in India. If the required magnitude of
funding is available, many of the factors allegedly accountable for the
poor quality of school education, would disappear. For example, it is unfair to
blame teachers who are compelled to teach in a school which does not have blackboards,
teaching aids, laboratories for experiment and adequate space, and which do not
provide facilities or incentives for improving their skills and environment and
for pedagogic innovation. . Besides, as the required number of teachers
are not in place, the norm of at least one teacher per class is not observed
and the practrice of multi-grade teaching is continuing. Morever, a large
number of teachers have no training. They are also obliged to carry out
non-educational activities. The members of the Common School System Commission,
Bihar, during their visits to schools,
did not find any school which had a properly functioning laboratory.
Thus, we simply cannot get away from the fact that the quality of school
education in India
is decisively influenced by the quantity or the magnitude of funding.
The most effective and important means of ensuring quality is to establish
minimum norms and standards relating to all relevant
aspects of school education, and ensure that they are applied uniformally to
all schools. No doubt, some norms have been laid down in the Schedule attached
to the Right to Free and Compulsory Education Act. But they are utterly
inadequate. There is no mention in the Schedule of a number of some extremely
important norms such as, distance of the school from the habitation of the
child, sitting area in sq. meters per child, number of children per school,
number of classes per school, furniture in the class and office rooms, teaching
aides, computers, equipment in a laboratory, the qualification and training of
teachers, scales of their pay and allowances and other conditions of
service, including scope for promotion etc. Some norms are mentioned in the Act
only as items, and against them is written the phrase “as the government
may determine”. This means that these norms will not be justiceable
and may never be established. It also implies that the present practice of
recruitment of para-teachers and the multi-grade teaching may continue. In the
absence of adequate and legally enforceable norms, it is superfluous to talk
about quality.
Financial
implication
The main reason for a large proportion of the children remaining out of school
and the poor quality of education in schools is the under-funding of school education.
Normally, the Act should have provided a Financial Memorandum which should have
indicated the exact amount of resources required for giving effect
to the Act. But this has not been done. The position of the government is
that “it is not possible to quantify the financial requirement on this
account at this stage”. This statement is not correct. In the last 10
years or so, additional resources required for providing free and
compulsory education to children in different age groups have been estimated
several times in the country.
Two expert groups set up by the Government of India and the Common School
System Commission, Bihar
laid down norms and standards for providing quality education, put price tags
on these norms and standards, and on that basis calculated the additional cost
to be incurred for providing free and compulsory education and universalising
school education, within a time-bound framework. The two expert groups
set up by the Government of India confined themselves to providing free and
compulsory education to children in age group 6 to 14. The Expert Group under
the chairmanship of Professor Tapas Mazumdar set up by the Government of India
in 1999, estimated an additional cost of Rs.13,700 crores per annum over
the next 10 years for providing free and compulsory elementary education
according to the norms prescribed by it. The Expert Group set up by a
Committee of the Consultative Advisory Board on Education(CABE) estimated
in 2004 a total additional cost of approximately Rs.73,000 crores per annum
over the next 6 years for achieving the same goal. The Bihar Commission report
which covered entire school education from one year of pre-primary to
Class XII, estimated an additional expenditure of Rs.9,950 crores for the first
year of the 9-year implementation period. Though this amount is not the average
for the nine years, it is a good broad indication of the additional estimated
expenditure per annum. The non-implementation of the recommendation of the
expert group led by Professor Tapas Mazumdar resulted in a cumulative gap
reflected in a manifold increase in the additional expenditure calculated in
2004, to be incurred for achieving broadly the same purpose. If the
recommendation of the second expert group also remains un-implemented, as
has been the case until now, then the cumulative gap will grow further and,
say, in 10 years from now, we would need an astronomically large sum of
resources for universalizing elementary education. Perhaps at that time,
the Government in power will raise its hand in despair and drop the whole idea
of universalisation, and India
will continue to stagnate for years to come at a low level of school education,
both quantitatively as well as qualitatively, to the detriment of its unity and
future development.
Perhaps the assumption in
the Act regarding resources is that those available for
the Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan (SSA) in the 11th Plan would suffice to meet the
resources required. But the fact is that in spite of these resources having
been nearly doubled in the 11th Plan as compared to the 10th
Plan, they are at the level of about Rs.30,000 crores per annum, which is
less than half of Rs.73,000 crores per annum of additional resources
required, according to the Expert Group of the CABE Committee (2004). Even
under an assumption of higher pupil-teacher ratio, the additional
resources required per annum, calculated by this Expert Group, is Rs.53,500
crores per annum which is much higher than Rs.30,000 crores.
India’s
National Education Policy lays down the goal of setting aside at least 6
percent of GDP for expenditure on education. This
target, originally recommended by the Kothari Commission, has also found place
in the manifestos of almost all major political parties. But the maximum share
of GDP devoted to education in India
has been close to 4 percent and on most occasions the ratio has been
around 3 percent. The Minister for Human Resource Development has recently
conceded that the resources gap is huge, particularly when we consider the fact
that in many advanced and several more developed among developing countries,
expenditure on education is 10 percent or above of GDP. He has expressed
the view that only the private sector can fill in the gap. He has,
therefore, made a plea for public-private partnership in education.
Though private-public
partnership in education has been talked about for the last
few years, the progress in this direction has
been negligible. Even otherwise, the record of the private sector in meeting the
demand for school education is not all that impressive. 89.1
percent of the primary schools in India were in the public sector
(government and local body) and only 10.9 percent in the private sector.[8]
For upper primary schools, the percentage was 72 to 78 respectively.[9]
The enrolment from Class I to VII/VIII was 72.23 percent in government schools
and only 27.61 percent in private schools.[10]
In the case of Bihar, the contribution of the
private sector to school education at the elementary level, in terms of number
of schools as well as percentage of enrollment, is below 6 percent.[11]
If after 60 years of
independence, the private schools have filled in a gap of only a little
over 10 percent, so far as the total number of primary schools are
concerned, there can be no assurance that they will be able to contribute
significantly to providing free and compulsory education to children in the age
group 6-14 and to universalising secondary education. At the current rate of
their contribution, and if the State does not step in to cover the gap, we may
have to wait till the end of the century for universalizing school education in
India
and even then it may not come about. It may take even longer to universalize
secondary education, because the number of additional schools to be
constructed and additional teachers to be recruited at this level is many times
higher than those required for universalising elementary education. Besides,
school education is a social good the provision of which is the responsibility
of the State. The provision of free and compulsory education is now a
fundamental right available to children in the age group 6-14. It is incumbent
upon the State to ensure this right with immediate effect. It is legally and
morally untenable for it to make the fulfillment of this right conditional upon
the contribution of the private sector.
Discrimination
The third systemic
problem of education in India
is the rampant discrimination characterising it. Children of the rich and the
elite have access to good quality private and special types of public schools,
whereas children of the vast majority of the poor, including the minorities and
marginalized groups, go to government schools which are in shambles. Thus, the
class division in the society is carried over to the school system. This
has been a major contributory factor to the perpetuation and accentuation of
social inequality. It also makes for bad education. For, empirical
studies have demonstrated that schools which bring in children from different
communities and classes provide better education and even the children of the
rich and the elite stand to benefit from such a school system.
The Right to Education Act perpetuates the multi-layer
discriminating school
system in India. It legalises the
currently operating four categories of schools in the country – (a)
government schools, (b) aided private schools, (c) special category schools and
(d) non-aided private schools. According to the Act, the government schools
will provide compulsory and free education to all children in the age group of
6-14 years admitted therein, and the aided private schools will provide such
education in such proportion of children admitted therein as its annual
recurring aid or grant bears to its recurring annual expenses, subject to a
minimum of 25 percent. The special category schools and non-aided private
schools shall admit in Class I, to the extent of at least 25 percent of the
strength of that class, children belonging to weaker section or disadvantaged
group in the neighbourhood and provide free and compulsory elementary education
till its completion. These last two categories of schools will be reimbursed
expenditure so incurred by them to the extent of per child expenditure incurred
by the State, or the actual amount charged from the child, whichever is less.
These provisions, apart from perpetuating the present
multi-layer system of
Schools, are in violation of Article 21A which calls
for the provision of free and compulsory education to all children in the age
group 6 to 14. 75 percent of the children in this age group in aided private
schools will not be provided free and compulsory education. In the last two
categories of schools, the children in this age group admitted therein, but not
belonging to disadvantaged or weaker groups, will not be provided free
and compulsory education and for these groups also, only 25 percent of the
children will be provided free and compulsory education in these schools. This
also is a violation of Article 21A.
There were two ways
in which the government could have significantly
mitigated, if not eliminated, the discrimination
characterising the Indian school education system. The first was by establishing
exhaustive and justiceable norms and standards and applying them rigorously to
all schools, both public and private, and second, by embracing and enforcing
the concept of neighbourhood schools whereby the state would have delineated
the neighbourbood for each school which would have been required by
law to admit and educate till completion, all the children residing in the
neighbourhood. In India,
we have advocates of freedom of choice and freedom of profession who argue that
the concept of neighbourhood school militates against the exercise of
these freedoms. They forget that this concept has been applied for
decades, if not centuries, in countries where democracy has taken firmer
roots and where freedom is valued much more than in our country. I
shall illustrate this by a personal example. When I was posted to New York in the early
1970s, I had to send my two children to a public school there. Since I
stayed on 89th Street
& 1st Avenue
in New York,
I was told that my children could go only to the nearest public school which
was on the 96th Street
& 2nd Avenue.
This location is on the fringe of Harlem which
was known for its high incidence of crime and drug addiction. But I had
no choice but to send my children to this school. This was according to
the law of the city and nobody complained that it was in violation of his/her
fundamental rights. Apparently, individual rights cannot take precedence
over the public purpose enshrined in the Constitution, of ensuring social
equality. There is no reference to the concept of neighbourhood school in the
Right to Education Act except that there is a provision for making reservation
of 25 percent of the seats for children of weaker and disadvantaged groups
coming from the neighbourhood. This is a far cry from the concept of
neighbourhood schools as practised in most developed countries and a number of
developing countries which have a common school system.
Education replaced
by literacy
Another systemic malady which has afflicted
school education in India
is the
transformation of the very nature and meaning of
education, brought about by the forces of globalization and
liberalization in which international agencies have played no small a
role. In most developing countries including India, education has to a large
extent been replaced by literacy for which it is strictly not necessary to go
to schools. According to the new paradigm, education is defined in functional
terms i.e. making the recipient qualified for the market place. In this sense,
educational system as a whole has been commodified. Today, the purpose of
school education is merely imparting skills of literacy and numeracy. The basic
philosophical purpose of education is to enhance the capacity of the children
to comprehend, to discern, to contest what, according to them, is
wrong, and to develop the urge to transform what is wrong and unjust.
These philosophical goals have been set aside and replaced by the functional
goal of meeting the demand of the market. Under the globalization/liberalization
paradigm, schools have to a large extent been replaced by literacy and
informal centres, trained teachers have been replaced by para-teachers, and the
system of at least one teacher for every class and for every important subject
has been replaced by multi-grade teaching. Training is no longer regarded
as essential for teaching. The Government of Bihar officially notified in
1991 that training was no longer necessary as a qualification for appointment
as a teacher. This whole process of the distortion of the meaning and
purpose of education started systematically since the mid-1980s and has by now
been completed.
This transformation of
the nature of education has seriously affected its quality
and has relegated to the background the concept of
schooling as a means of socialization, nation-building and
formation of social capital, which has been practised for centuries by
important developed countries. It has also been used to rationalise
non-universalization of school education and its under-funding. The Right
to Education Act does not make any provision for reversing the process of the
distortion of the meaning and purpose of education.
A holistic view of
school education
The Right to
Education Act should have covered the entire school education
system including one or two years of pre-primary
education, elementary education (i.e. age group 6 to 14 which is its
present coverage) and secondary education. The distinction between pre-primary,
elementary and secondary education may be valid from the pedagogic point of
view, but this distinction becomes arbitrary when it comes to guaranteeing
right of education, universalizing school education, ensuring its quality and
removing discrimination. There are strong reasons for providing free and
compulsory education preferably for two years and at least for one year at the
pre-primary level, and also for universalizing secondary education. A Group of
Experts which met at UNESCO Headquarters at the end of 2007, of which I happened
to be a member, arrived at the consensus that “basic education should
consist of at least nine years after pre-primary and ideally it should
extend to 12 years”. In most of the advanced developing countries, like China, Mexico,
South Africa, Brazil, Thailand,
Indonesia,
etc., the task of universalizing elementary education was accomplished a long
time ago and current pre-occupation of the educational planners and policy
makers is for universalizing quality secondary education.
Depriving the children in
the age group, say, 4 to 6, of free and compulsory
education as the Right to Education Act does, is
totally arbitrary and a flagrant denial of human rights. Article 45 of the
Indian Constitution directed the State to provide free and compulsory education
up to the age of 14, which included children at the pre-primary level of
education. The famous Unnikrishnan judgement which regarded right to education
as a part of right to life, also covered children up to the age of 14.
However, when the 86th
amendment to the Indian Constitution was enacted in the
form of Article 21A, the Government arbitrarily
– almost by a sleight of hand - excluded children in the age 0 to 6
from the ambit of the amendment. Thus, some 170 million children were
disenfranchised of their right to free and compulsory education. However,
this right still exists because the amended version of Article 45 states:
“The State shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education
for all children until they complete the age of 6 years”. If this is read
with Article 21, as was done in the Unnikrishnan judgment, then the children
in age group of 0-6 also enjoy the fundamental right to free
and compulsory education.
The Integrated Child
Development Services (ICDS) is the only programme which
provides for education to children in the age group of
0 to 6, but access to services under ICDS is neither universal nor a
legal right. ICDS covers only 42 percent of the children in the relevant age
group. Besides, it is not a right but a service voluntarily offered by
the State. Evidence shows that a good percentage of the children covered by
ICDS are not enrolled under
it. Besides, the delivery of prescribed services to those who are
enrolled is irregular and inadequate. The education component of the ICDS is
the most neglected service. It is either not delivered at all or only partially
delivered. A Social Audit of the functioning of the ICDS in the District of
Anantapur in Andhra Pradesh recently carried out by the Council for Social
Development, bears out these facts. The foundations of our educational system
will remain weak until quality pre-primary education is provided to
children in the age group of 4 to 6. Denial of right to educatrion at the
pre-primary level, will hamper our effort to develop human resources in the
country.
The Act should have
provided for the universalization of secondary education
also i.e. for children in the age group of 15-18. The
definition of a child according to the U.N. Convention on Child Rights includes
children up to the age of 18. India
is a party to this Convention. Moreover, the universalization of education at
this level is also a logical consequence of universalizing education up
to Class VIII because if secondary education is not universalized, then the
children who complete Class VIII would have nowhere to go except dropping out.
For, according to regulations in force in the country, a child has to
pass Class XII for getting entry into any institution of higher or technical
education which can qualify it for entering the job market.
It was in view of these
considerations that in the Report of the Common School
System Commission, Bihar,
a single legislation was recommended covering school education from one year at
the pre-primary level to Class XII. The Report also prescribed separate norms
and standards for the three levels of school education i.e. pre-primary,
elementary and secondary. Though most of the norms are common to these three
levels, there are also significant differences. The Right to Education Act,
therefore, should have covered the entire school education system,
universalizing education from pre-primary to higher secondary level, providing
free education from pre-primary to at least Class VIII, if not Class IX and X
and applying norms for ensuring quality and equity, to all schools at all the
three levels of school education.
Language policy
The Right to Education
Act should have also included a language policy which
would have provided the best opportunity for the
flowering of the talents of the children and which, at the same time, would
have been a major factor for uniting the country. Unfortunately, the government
missed this opportunity also. The legislation has no language policy. It only
states in one of the clauses that “medium of instruction shall, as for as
practicable be in child’s mother tongue”. The inclusion of the
phrase “as far as practicable” will give a carte blanche to private schools even at the
elementary level, to continue their present practice of giving instructions
through the medium of English. Moreover, the term “mother tongue”
is not defined. For example, for a child coming from the Maithili
speaking region, will the mother tongue be Maithili or Hindi?
The enactment of the
legislation also provided an excellent opportunity to make a
beginning with the implementation of the
three-language formula recommended by the Kothari Commission and included in the
National Education Policy. But this opportunity has also been squandered. The
language policy laid down in Annex-II to the legislation
recommended by the Common School System Commission, Bihar, demonstrates that
the implementation of the three-language formula is feasible, if there is
a political will to do so.
Statutory
Commission for school education
Finally, the Act should
have created a mechanism vested with the overall responsibility of overseeing
progress in the restructuring of school education, bringing about improvements,
through research and public discussion, in the norms and standards
included in the Act, adjudicating disputes where called upon to do so,
and being the Court of Last Appeal so far as the implementation of the
Act is concerned. This should have been possible only by establishing a fully
empowered judicial or quasi-judicial Commission. The Government seems to be
very keen to set up such a Commission for higher education, which is perhaps
needed and for which there is considerable public support. However,
such a Commission is needed equally, if not more importantly for school
education. In lieu of this, the Act provides for the establishment
of a Central as well as State Advisory Councils. This is hardly likely to
serve the purpose. Such Advisory Councils are vested with very limited powers.
Their membership is in the nature of patronage or favour bestowed
by political leaders, and in most cases, there advice is seldom
sought or sought only as a public relations and politically motivated
exercise.
Policy
recommendations
The implicit policy recommendations in the above paragraphs can be summarised
as follows:
(a)For the nation as a whole and for each State, a plan for
achieving universalization of school education, within a time bound framework,
should be drawn up. The time limit should not exceed 5 years for children up to
the age of 14, because education in the age group 6 to 14 years has become a
fundamental right.
(b)Education has to be free and compulsory for the children in the
age group of 6 to 14 years, according to Article 21A. There is a strong reason
for its becoming so for at least one year at the pre-primary level and also for
the children in the age group of 15 to 16 years.
(c)Detailed, specific and legally enforceable norms and standards
should be established to ensure both quality and equity in school education.
(d)An annual plan should be prepared and implemented for building
schools, recruiting teachers, providing teacher training, expanding and
upgrading teacher training institutes and applying other norms and standards.
(e)A price tag should be put on each norm, which should be the basis
for calculating the additional expenditure to be incurred for revamping the
school education system of India.
(f)There should be a legal requirement for applying both the norms
and standards and for providing the resources for this purpose. These resources
should be one of the first charges on the budget of the Centre and the State
governments on par with expenditure for the implementation of other fundamental
rights.
(g)School education should be based on the concept of neighbourhood
schools whereby the State should declare the neighbourhood for each school,
which should be required by law to admit and educate till completion, all the
children in the required age group residing in the neighbourhood.
(h)A high-level mechanism in the form of a Statutory Commission
should be set up which should be vested with the responsibility for overseeing
progress in school education, for being the Last Court of Appeal, for
adjudicating where called upon to do so and for improving, through research and
public discussion, the norms and standards.
A school system based on
the above parameters is called the common school
system. It has been practised by almost all developed
nations around the globe. In India,
there has been no interest in building such a school system, mainly because of
the influence in policy making of elitist class which manages to send its
children to high fee-charging private schools and special category
schools.
A deliberate attempt is
being made, mainly by the private school lobbies, to
spread the canard that such a system does not permit
the running of private schools and, therefore, imposes uniformity and prevents
experimentation and innovation so far as curriculum, syllabus and pedagogy are
concerned. This is farthest from the truth. The fact is that there is full
scope for the existence and even expansion of private schools in a common
school system, subject to the condition that they, like government schools,
must also apply the norms and standards legally laid down and subject
themselves to inspection by the agents of the high-level commission on school
education. The private schools have to provide free and compulsory education at
least to the children in the age group 6 to 14. It should be clear that their
function essentially is to provide good education which does not leave scope
for making profit and that in the ultimate analysis, the responsibility for
universalising equitable and quality education rests squarely on the State.
Seen in the light of the
above, several of the measures adopted or announced by
the government recently for improving access to and
quality of school education are redundant and designed to serve mainly
political purpose. They are also devices to distract attention from the
systemic problems. For example, if the norm to build a primary school at a
distance of a kilometer from the habitation of children, a middle school at a
distance of three kilometers and a secondary school at a distance of five
kilometers is applied, there is no need to build hostels, including for
children of the minority and the marginalised groups.
If school education is
provided free of cost in the comprehensive sense of the
term, there is no need to provide scholarships. If the
principle of neighbourhood is applied, reservation of a particular percentage
of seats for the children of the poor households in private schools is not
necessary because the private schools will have to admit all the children from
the neighbourhood and provide free and compulsory education according to the
legal provisions made by the State. It is for the State to work out in
consultation with the private schools the basis of burden sharing. Similarly,
if the norms and standards are strictly applied with the provision of adequate
resources for this purpose, it will no longer be necessary to establish model
schools on a selective basis, because all the nearly 12 lakh schools in
the system would become model schools and not only 6,000, that is one model
school for each block, as proposed by the Prime Minister of India.
---
4-11-2009
[1] Educational Statistics at
a Glance, 2005-06, the Ministry of HRD, 2008.
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----- Forwarded Message ---- From: Kavita Srivastava <kavisriv@...> To: Vijayan MJ <vijayanmj@...>; humanrights-movement@googlegroups.com; activism-news-network@googlegroups.com; pudr <pudrdelhi@...>; ROHIT PRAJAPATI & TRUPTI SHAH <rohit.prajapati@...>; Harish Dhawan <locateharish@...>; Rajendra Sail <rajendrasail@...>;
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<ntui@...>; Ashim Roy <ashim_cmp@...> Sent: Sun, December 13, 2009 8:39:28 AM Subject: [humanrights-movement:2168] urgent!! threat to Himanshu!! padyatra-satyagrahcall!
THERE IS NO STOPPING THE DANTEWADA
PADYATRA
IT WILL TAKE PLACE AS PLANNED
APPEAL TO ALL ACTIVISTS TO GET THEIR ACT
TOGETHER
JOIN THE PADYATRA FROM 14TH TO 26TH DEC.
09
JOIN THE SATYAGRAH FROM 25th DEC. '09
JOIN THE JAN SUNWAI, 6-7 JAN. '10
Jaipur,
13th, December, '09
Dear Friends,
Himanshuji and other friends of
Dantewada have brought to our notice the latest attacks of the Chhattisgarh
Police and the State Government on the VCA. Many of us are aware that on the
10th of December, '09 on Human Rights Day, Kopa, a VCA tribal activist, and
Alban who is also a tribal and a human rights lawyer from HRLN, were both picked
up, illegally detained and badly beaten. Alban was released next day but Kopa
was arrested on charges of being involved in the murder of Punam Honga who was
abducted by Maoists on June 2nd and later his body was found in a mutilated
condition.
Kopa being charged for the murder
of Punam Honga is absolutely rubbish. This arrest is part of the same
series of arrests as was of Binayak in 2007, Ajay TG in 2008, Sukhanth in July,
2009 and now before the end of the year Kopa.. The point is only one. If you
disagree with the Chhattisgarh Government and try putting across another point of view then
you will be removed from the scene. This is Chhattisgarh. And the Government of India ? It will watch in silence.
Kopa and the his work with the VCA
It is also very important to know
that Kopa has spent more than 13 years of his life with the VCA. He is a
brilliant singer and orator. Before joining VCA, he was with the Gayatri
mission where he motivated people through his songs to stop drinking alcohol.
It was his singer's voice which got him a job in VCA where he not only
continued to spread his anti liquor message, but now he also started organising
kala jathas. On foot he and other workers started mobilising people to demand entitlements
related to their Right to Food and Health and saving and reclaiming their
Natural Resources. A very effective worker, he was responsible for putting
together more than 750 community workers on these issues and more than forty
main trainers in the district of Dantewada and Bijapur which is the work area
of the VCA.
Kopa became uncomfortable for the
administration and police since 2008. He took the courageous step of initiating
the resettlement and rehabilitation work as per Supreme Court order of all
those villagers who had left their villages due to the atrocities of the Salwa
Judum and SPOs. He was the Rehabilitation coordinator of VCA. It was not just
this work, he also exposed the Matwara massacre of 18th March, 2008 where three
tribals were brutally killed and their bodies mutilated in a salwa judum camp.
Kopa helped the families initiate legal proceedings in the High Court. He also
got the widows of the three to file a complaint in the police station, which
never got converted to an FIR.
He also exposed the Singaram
massacre of 2009, where four girls were raped and murdered. Fifteen men were
also murdered in this episode. Kopa got the families to initiate legal
proceedings in the High Court and also got them to file complaints in the local
police station. In 2009, he also exposed and took cudgels with the district
administration regarding corruption in NREGA, including non-payment of wages to
tribals. He was constantly fighting for people's rights to get their share of
PDS from ration shops, the only agency of the Government existing in the
villages. Otherwise it is only the police and security forces.
The abduction of Nagesh Jhadi and Punam Honga, the 2nd June incident
Please recall that on the 2nd of
June when Nagesh Jhadi and Kopa were returning from the Basaguda camp in
Dantewada, their motorbike was stopped and Nagesh Jhadi the Panchayat secretary
of Mallepalli was picked up by the Maoists. Kopa ran around chasing the
abductors in the forest. He was unaware that Punam Honga (former Sarpanch), who
was traveling in a mini truck, had been picked up later by the Maoists. Kopa
decided to lodge a complaint about the abduction of Nagesh soon after, but then
he was harassed by the SPOs and detained at the police station. So the next day
Himanshuji went and brought Kopa out and they both decided to make their own
enquiries about Nagesh's abduction in the forest areas. But they were then led
into a trap at Lingagiri by the SPOs, from where they managed to escape and
drove hundred kilometres through forest areas and got out into the Bhadrachalam
side of the forest where with the support of the late Sh. Balgopal of HRF,
Himanshu addressed a press conference on the whole episode ( please see
attachement- Himanshu's statement from Bhadrachalam). We also know that Kopa
had nothing to do with either the abduction of Nagesh Jhadi (he was released
later) or the abduction and killing of Punam Honga, even then he had said that
his life was in danger as he was being targeted for his work in exposing the
Matwada and Singaram massacres and in trying to ensure justice to the families
of those killed. In August, '09 too Kopa was picked up and beaten up by the
SPOs. See attachment of his interview published in Hari Bhoomi saying that his
life was in danger.
On 20th October, '09 Kopa, while
addressing the meeting of the Citizen's Initiative for Peace at Constitution
Club in New Delhi,
said that his life was in danger and that he would be arrested for his work.
Why the Arrest of Kopa now? IS Himanshu going to be the next one?
The arrest of Kopa has been made
just five days before the padyatra that was to be undertaken under the
leadership of Himanshu. The timing of the arrest completely gives away the
Government's motives. It is clear the Government does not want the padyatra to
happen. They do not want the misdemeanours of the police, CRPFand other
security forces to be exposed which the yatra will do as it will bring into the
eyes of the public stories of people from areas where nobody has gone till now.
They also want to put the fear in
the tribals of Dantewada that their fate may be the same as Kopa and Sukhnath if
they connect with VCA. It is clearly an effort of trying to destroy the VCA completely.
They felt that after the demolition, the VCA would shut up. But the VCA
reorganised itself in Dantewada, the district headquarters. So the next attack
was the arrest of Sukhnath on 30th July, '09, who they arrested under CSPSA on
flimsy charges. The police thought that now the activists would lie low, but they
were proved wrong. Nothing seemed to abate the resolve of the VCA in its
endeavour to ensure justice to the people, so when the operation Green Hunt
began in the forest areas of Dantewada, Himanshuji and his workers took the
message all over the country. They facilitated the entry of groups and
journalists to these areas who came for fact finding. They traveled thousands
of miles to Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore and Chennai and spoke to thousands to
people and built a public opinion on stopping the ongoing war and potential genocide.
They provided evidence of police and SPO atrocities by bringing the victims of
these attacks to the fore. Media covered all this. Under the pressure of the
public opinion thus generated, even the Home Minister P Chidambaram had to meet
Himanshu and agreed to come to Dantewada if a public hearing got organised. To
top it all, the Supreme Court also issued notices when a case got filed there
on the basis of the testimonies of the victims of the police operation.
This development and the
announcement of the Padyatra, Satyagraha and Jan Sunwai was the last straw. Hence
Kopa was picked up on false charges of committing murder and supporting
Naxalites.
And now the next person on the
radar of the police and the SPOS is Himanshu. A rally of Salwa Judum and SPOs,
taken out on the 10th of December had as its main slogans 'Himanshu ko maro”,
'Himanshu bhagao, Bastar bachao', 'VCA ke karyakarta bhagao, Dantewada Bachao’
and “maro salon ko”.
Himanshuji informed me on the 12th
morning that between 11th and 12th, the Thana Incharge of Dantewada sent police
6 times and also came himself investigating yet another false story that a jeep
had left Himanshu's house in the evening at 6 pm on the 11th and some of the
persons in the jeep had tried to abduct one SPO who was on the road. The Thana
incharge claimed that the SPO escaped under the pretext of wanting to urinate.
On charges of attempt to abduction, this investigation is being carried out.
The latest incident of the Collector
of Dantewada getting the Danteshwari SarwajanikDharmashala to return the money that VCA had deposited for booking rooms
during the Satyagraha period, clearly shows that the State will not allow any
other voice to express itself.
So friends, there is a clear cut
war in Chhattisgarh. Whoever speaks out against this will be cleared from the
scene.
This is a wake up call for all of
us.
Come support the Padyatra,
Satyagrah and the Jan Sunwai!!! See the attached announcement for details.
You can send volunteers,
blankets, food and money and, of course, above all come to Dantewada!! You can send your Cheques or
Demand Drafts to Vanvasi Chetna Ashram payable at Dantewada. ( see details
below.)
Please circulate this message to others..
With regards
Kavita Srivastava
(PUCL, National Secretaty)
1.Name and address
of the bank : State Bank of India
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10th December, International Human Rights' Day was observed spiritedly in Ahmedabad. This year , this programme is observed by Lok Andolan Gujarat ; a people's forum emerged on 9th August this year on Quit India Movement Day in a convention held at Gujarat Vidhyapeeth to carry forward the people's movement through out the state and co ordinate and unite all the minor and major peoples movements for a consorted action and to lead the people's movement to its logical end taking the spirit of NavNirman Movement of Gujarat and the JP movement in the country. The main motive for its formation is to co-ordinate sporadic movements going on in different corners of the state on various people's issues, be it on SEZ, or of Government Employees' pay scale, or on Hooch Tragedy victims' compensation and punishment to culprits or issues of atrocities on Women and Dalit, education movements, movements of diamond and power loom workers, movement against electricity tariff hike or on questions of drinking water, sewerage, road etc. or on plights of migrant workers, manhole workers, etc. It was felt intensely the inevitability of a joint platform for action to ensure graceful life to all citizens irrespective of language, caste, creed, religion, race etc. There was an appeal to all citizens to participate in 10th December, people's convention at Sardarbag to advance a step further in this direction. The main slogan of this Convention was WE DEMAND PEOPLE'S POWER. LAND, WATER AND FORESTS BELONG TO PEOPLE.
It is important to recall that for last ten years Movement for Secular Democracy (M.S.D.), took initiative with Peoples' Union for Civil Liberties (P.U.C.L.), AWAG and other voluntary organizations and the citizens to spread the message of Human Rights on 10th. December and observed the day very spiritedly. As a result the human rights day has been celebrated widely and the voices for the Human Rights are becoming strong .
The Human Rights Day was celebrated at Sardarbag, Lal darwaja, Ahmedabad this time, under the auspices of Lok Andolan Gujarat. A people's conference was organized, where the fighting people and the concerned citizens and the voluntary organization all over the state joined the conference to express solidarity andto take pledge for a prolonged(suggestion: sustained)peoples movement.
A presidium was formed with Shri Prakashbhai Shah, Ms. Ilaben Pathak, Shri. Chunibhai Vaidya, Shri. Natubhai, Prof. Babubhai Desai, Prof. Kishorebhai Desai, , Mr. Dhiru Mistry, Prof. Ashwin Karia,Mr. Manishi Jani, Mr. Gautam Thaker, Ms.DamyantibenParekh.
The Conference was addressed by leading citizens and activists. plays, songs, speeches were placed. Among the speakers, some important names were Shri Prakash N. Shah, Shri Ilaben Pathak, Shri Chunibhai Vaidya, Mr. Manishi Jani, Shri. Mansoor Ali Saleri & others.
Other activists coming from different parts of the states who spoke were Ms. Zoharaben Cyclewala , Shri. Ratibhai Desai, Shri. Vinubhai Amin & others.
To summerise all the speeches , the focal point of care & concern was that,
When more than half of the population is starving, 47% of infants live miserably under malnutrition, the real figure of farmers' suicide exceed horrifically the official figure, farmers and farm labourers-daily labourers are thrown out of their land to hand it over to private corporates, daily one rape and unnatural death of 15 women take place, salt labourers' children remain void of education and still over 80,000 people in this modern era are engaged in most heinous job of carrying human excreta on their head, how can we call our Gujarat a Swarnim(Golden) Gujarat?
The whole Conference was conducted by activist Ms. Meenakshi Joshi .
It was decided in the conference to make people to people contact throughout the state by month of March, to make it to converge on 1st of May - 50th foundation year of Gujarat in alternate and true sense. It is to be observed on large scale basis to take vow for the people's cause which is just ignored or given a cosmetic look with a 'human face' in the name of 'Swarnim Gujarat ' by the Chief minister Narendra Modi.
The Human Rights Day Celebration marked by the songs, plays by the youths and the students.
Plays on reality of Swarnim Gujarat, on female foeticide and on marketisation of education were done by students of different colleges and universities of the state. Songs like Danko Vagyo, the song of 1942 movement, Jaago jag Na kshudharth (Gujarati translation of international working class song by National poet Jhaverchand Meghani), keva keva bandhan a song on enslavement of women, etc. were sang. The slogans of the conference were, "jal jamin jungle kona? Junta Na bhai junta Na"(land, water and forest belong to people), "amari chhe ek j vaat, junta nu raj divas raat"(we demand people's rule, day and night), "navi duniya, nyayi duniya" (new world, just world)
The conference was concluded with the Mass Song Ham Honge Kamyab (We shall overcome)
The highlights of the Human Rights Day were the big Human Chain over the Nehru Bridge followed by the Candle light.
I know you people are mostly interested in India Human Rights, but i just want
everyone to know that GENOCIDE is happening to Falun Dafa people in China. There
is a media Ban so therefor most people have not even heard about this and its
happening over the last 10 years. They are being tortured in concentration cams,
and its very similar to the situation that happened in Nazi Germany with how
they brainwashed their people to hunt down the jews! If you would like to do
good with human rights, this is a gigantic issue needing help from people all
over the world. If you have questions you can see all the proof and what you can
do to help at www.falundafa.org China is famous for having almost no human
rights.
To
The PUCL
New Delhi
From
JNU Forum for Telangana
Natioanl Forum for Telangana
Tealngana Development Forum (USA) Inc
Sub: Atrocities and massive repression over students in Telangana
Dear Madam/Sir,
We the concerned people from JNU Forum for Telangana, Natioanl Forum for
Telangana, Telangana Development Forum (USA) Inc would like to bring it to your
notice that the present Andhra State government is resorting to massive
repression over students. The gravity of the situation calls for immediate
attention from organizations like Amnesty International.
People from Telangana are articulating the demand for separate state hood once
again. Students have come out in support of the ongoing struggle in large people
have every right to articulate their concerns over separate scale across the
political affiliations. We firmly believe that historically underdeveloped,
culturally subjugated, socially deprived Telangana statehood. The struggle is
going from past Osmania University students have taken active part in the
struggle from the very beginning. In a way to curtail the movement state is
attempting to silence the Regional media footages show even Women students were
also not given any exception from these brutal attacks. Cruel Grey hound squads,
RAF, CRPF, paramilitary forces are deployed in huge scale in University premises
with out even the knowledge of Vice Chancellor. Police forces are chasing
students from campus to neighbor hood areas such as Manikeswar Nagar where the
huge police and other forces are waiting to pounce upon the students there.
Senior activists and elected representatives, visited the campus out of concern,
were also manhandled and arrested by police. Konda Laxman Bapuji, 94 years old
man, ex-cabinet minister and freedom fighter, and MLC Nageswar Rao, MLC,
academician were picked up from the Unviersity and so far no details about their
where abouts were given by police. Professor Haragopl was forcibly moved out of
the campus. Journalist Ramu was assaulted and he is in serious condition now.
Students through violent means. Students were lathi charged, illegally detained,
physically abused and several false cases were filed against it.
As we all aware Andhra Pradesh State Human Rights Commission had given order to
the state police not to enter the University campus and harass students. The
Commissions orders have been blatantly violated and Police have entered the
campus in large scale and dragging the students from their hostel premises and
brutally assaulting them.
We request Amnesty International to intervene in the matter and probe into the
violations of Human Rights.
Yours truly
JNU Forum for Telangana
Natioanl Forum for Telangana
Tealngana Development Forum (USA) Inc
-----Original Message-----
From: Shiva Shankar [mailto:sshankar@...]
Sent: Sunday, November 29, 2009 1:33 PM
To: undisclosed-recipients:
Subject: The story of a Dalit Genocide that remains untold (fwd)
Marichjhapi and the Revenge of Bengali Bhadralok: The story of a Dalit
Genocide that remains untold
By Nilesh Kumar, Ajay Hela, Anoop Kumar
[Nilesh and Ajay are pursuing their Masters in Social work, TISS, Mumbai]
Exactly 30 years ago, Dalits, in West Bengal, came to realize the true
nature of Indian state that is being dominated, in every sense, by a tiny
section of population but at great personal cost. It was in 1979, when
thousands of Dalits, refugees from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) lost their
lives at Marichjhapi, in Sunderbans, for their dream of resettling in the
region which they considered part of their motherland.
Marichjhapi is just once incident in the tragic tale of one of the most
powerful Dalit Communities - Namashudras of Bengal - who first became the
victim of Hindu-Muslim communalism during the partition and later became
the victims of their castes in independent India.
Moreover, the complete silence of Bengal's civil society for almost 30
years and the fact that Dalits were killed by the Communist government of
West Bengal that came to power in the name of the poor and dispossessed,
raises some serious questions about the representation of Dalits in every
sphere, the constitution of civil society and hegemony of a few privileged
castes over political power in Independent ndia.
Apart from these, the Namashudra problem also poses a big question for the
Dalits (and Dalit movement) living in other parts of the country about
whether they are willing to fight for the rights of their fellow community
people who, unfortunately, paid the ultimate price for sending Babasaheb
Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly.
Before Marichjhapi
In 1946, Constituent Assembly was constituted with the mandate to frame
the Indian constitution and to function as a provisional parliament for
independent India. Its members were elected by state assemblies and
represented almost all major communities of the country. However, the
Congress government in Bombay province, headed by B.G. Kher and under
instructions from Sardar Patel, ensured that Babasaheb Ambedkar was not
elected.
At this crucial juncture, a very prominent leader Jogendra Nath Mandal
ensured his election from the Bengal province. Thus Babasaheb could enter
into the constituent assembly and, later, become prime architect of Indian
Constitution that guaranteed many rights for the Dalits including
representation in education and government jobs.
Who was Jogendra Nath Mandal? How could Babasaheb enter into the
Constituent Assembly from Bengal being ambushed by Congress in Bombay
province and declared persona non grata due to his exposure of Gandhi and
Congress as upholders of 'upper' caste Hindu domination?
Read more
http://blog.insightyv.com/
--
"Rosa sat so Martin could walk; Martin walked so Obama could run, Obama
ran so your children can fly"
NEW DELHI: With the Ranganath Mishra
commission report recommending SC status to Hindu converts to Christianity and
Islam and a subquota for minorities in OBC reservations becoming a hot potato
for UPA, the government is all set to give the controversial proposals a deep
burial.
The government indicated as much with minority affairs
minister Salman Khursheed ruling out an Action Taken Report (ATR) as the panel
was not set up under the Commissions of Inquiry Act. Speculation had mounted
after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh told Lok Sabha that the report would be
tabled in Parliament.
While the PM had spoken on the issue in
response to a Samajwadi Party leader having raised the report in Lok Sabha on
Wednesday, a more detailed examination of the commission's findings is currently
under way. It is being felt the report deals with constitional issues that have
been pronounced upon by courts and are not easy to deal with.
The
view that the report is not only difficult to implement but can lead to a
socially explosive situation is shared by the top Congress leadership. The party
feels that the report will reopen quota controversies with a "communal" tinge
and given BJP and Hindutva organisations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad a handle to
get raise a divisive campaign.
The constitutional bar on Christian
and Muslim "dalits" being allowed access to reservation is not easy to negotiate
and any move to get Parliament to consider the potentially incendiary issue
could trigger another quota war. Congress has not forgotten how former HRD
minister Arjun Singh had ambushed UPA-1 with OBC quotas in central educational
institutions.
The possibility of setting up a "committee on a
committee" is an obvious option but it is being felt that it may not be feasible
or wise to let the matter linger on and the government may well have to bite the
bullet to close the chapter. A JD(U) MP who has been lobbying parties was
bluntly told by a senior Congress leader that the report's recommendations were
unlikely to be considered.
Further consultations between PMO and the
ministry for minority affairs are on the cards after the PM returns from the
climate summit at Copenhagen but the opinion in government and the Congress
seems pretty much set against any move to not expand SC quotas which is also
likely to run into the opposition of dalit groups who currently enjoy
reservations. These SC groups have clearly indicated that they do not favour
widening the quota ambit to other religious communities.
[Dr. Sandeep Pandey is the Magsaysay Award winner for the year 2002. He is a leading figure of the NAPM and CNDP. Led trans-border peace marches towards peace betweenIndiaand Pakistan and also a visa-free South Asia.]
Padyatra not allowed to be taken out by the CG government
A Padayatra planned by Himanshu Kumar of the Vanavasi Chetna Ashram was due to start today from Nendra village in Dantewada district. The objective of the padyatra was to resotre peace and create an atmosphere where justice can be ensured by instilling confidence among the people to stop migrating from the area in the face of atrocities being committed on them by security forces, SPOs and anti-constitutional forces like Salwa Judum. The local administration has taken several steps to prevent the Padayatra. Roads leading to Nendra have been blocked by felling trees and VCA workers are being prevented from leaving their homes by the government backed armed Salwa Judum and its latest incarnation Danteshwari Swabhiman Manch goons. A group of 40 women activists from all over the country on their way to Danteawada from Raipur last night were stopped, their vehicles were seized and the women themselves were detained by the Police first in Charama and then in Kondagaon. They were subsequently released but were told that a mob of 4000 with the objective of confronting them was waiting for them enroute to Dantewada.The police threatened the local bus operators not to take the women to Dantewada.
Even the journalists are being threatened not to go to Himanshus Ashram.
Meanwhile the Home Minister Shri Chidambram has expressed his willingness to visit Dantewada and listen to the grievances of tribals in an informal public hearing to be organized by Vanvasi Chetna Ashram on 7thJanuary, 2010. We appeal to all NAPM members and supporters and even other friends to come here for the public hearing on 6-7 January.
For more information contact Himanshu Kumar at 09425260031.
Sandeep Pandey, National Alliance of Peoples Movements
Contact Mobile Number (of Amit Basole) 09559374152
As you know Himanshu Kumar and many other social
activists from all over India are planning a padyatra (march on foot)
through the conflict zone of Southern Chhattisgarh, in an effort to
bring peace and normalcy to the Adivasis communities there. The
administration is trying everything in its power to stop the padyatra
from happening. Solidarity groups headed for Dantewada are being
stopped and harassed.
A few days ago, Kopa Kunjum an active volunteer of VCA along with his
lawyer Alvan Toppo were arrested on trumped up charges and beaten up in
custody.
Also, please call the administration and the police authorities asking
them to ensure the safety of the padyatris. Ask why people wanting to
join the Padyatra peacefully are being stopped and harassed?
Also ask why Kopa was arrested on trumped up charges and beaten while in custody?
Amresh Mishra (Superintendent of Police Dantewada) 09425285793
Superintendent of PoliceBijapur +91-9425285791
Director General of Police, Chhattisgarh Vishvaranjan 09424207222
Subject- Concerned Citizens of Gujarat for Prosecution of architect of
demolition Of Babri
To,
Mr. Manmohan Singh,
The Prime Minister of India,
New Delhi.
Sir,
After 17 long years and over 4000 hearingsJusticeLiberhan has submitted hisreport on the demolition of Babri Masjid and ithas been placedon the table ofthe House of the ParliamentThe report has named68important figures responsible for the demolition. It is a matter of concern thatas there is no specificmeasures mentioned inthe Action Taken Report(ATR) which wasplaced before the house of Parliamenthasencouragedthe architects ofdemolition ofBabrito vilify the atmosphere of the country taking advantage of the nonprosecution.
The central thrust of the report exposethe shameless betrayal and desecrationof the Constitution and its basic Principles by the major ruling parties and cannot be ignoredor put aside by legal squabbling and finding some loop holes here and there.
As they say justice delayed is justice denied. However, even after this long wait those indicted by theCommissions findings are , dulyprosecuted and punished, it will be a great , though belated service to ourwounded nation and its torn secular fabric.
We the concerned citizens of Gujarat urge you to take immediate steps in this regard and hand over the case to CBI and open Fast track Courts with out delay to bring a logical end to years long judicial feud.
India’s largest minority population lives in poverty and socio-economic exclusion even after 62 years of Independence. Muslims live in ghettos across the country with a persistent feeling of fear and insecurity. According to the Sachar Committee, around 4% of Muslims have managed to become graduates; Muslims have a very thin presence in banks, universities and in Government jobs. This sort of socio-economic backwardness could not have taken place overnight. Successive Governments have failed in their responsibility to enable Muslims to participate in India’s democracy. The nexus between the vote managers posing as community leaders and the supposedly secular political parties has ensured that the Muslim community remains mired in poverty, illiteracy, backwardness and insecurity. Living with communalism has become the fate of the ordinary Muslim. Since 1947 the community has been pushed to the margins, so much so that some experts feel
that they are the Dalits of tomorrow. Worse, unlike the Dalits, Muslims do not have any legacy of social mobilisation and political consciousness. The Dalits were fortunate to have visionaries like B.R. Ambedkar and Jotiba Phule. Muslims have no leadership worth the name; and whoever claims to be a community leader should own up to the all-round failure.
There are two important reasons, among others, for this dismal situation. One, the failure of the state to fulfil its welfare responsibility towards citizens in spite of the guarantees given by the Constitution; and two, the failure of the Muslim leadership, if one believes it exists. We are all aware how our democracy is marred by a corrupt and insincere polity which has no interest in the welfare of any of its excluded citizens, be it the Dalits, the Adivasis, the Muslims, the labour or the women. In the case of Muslims this is coupled with the failure to safeguard their lives and properties from communal violence. The discrimination faced by Muslims because of communal mindsets, particularly among the police and sections of the bureaucracy, is a commonly lived reality. Why else would the Sachar Committee recommend a full-fledged sensitisation programme? The community has little or no access to welfare schemes largely because of this communal
mindset, apart from a general lack of education within the community. The rise of communal and fascist political parties has added to Muslim fear and insecurity.
The second reason — lack of leadership — is equally important and has far-reaching implications. It is agreed that in a diverse country like ours Muslims are not a monolithic community. There are Urdu speaking Muslims, just as there are Tamil Muslims and Bengali Muslims. There are Sunnis, Shias, low castes and OBCs. And then there are men, women and the youth including girls and boys. Apart from faith there is another common factor that has acquired a huge importance in recent times. It is about how they are perceived by the larger world as a community: “Muslims are dirty; Muslims are backward; Muslims are not patriotic; Muslims are terrorists.”
While the challenges faced by the community are of Herculean proportions, the fractured Muslim leadership neither has the commitment nor the competence to address these problems. They are obsessed with non-substantive and seemingly emotive issues. Unfortunately, it suits various Governments that no real demands are made for education, jobs, financial assistance, health facilities, security, etc. All that the latter have to do is to pander to these dubious elements and thus “take care” of almost 15% of the Indian population. The community has paid a huge price because of this. The leadership is not challenged and the Government gets away without fulfilling its welfare obligations.
Why does the Muslim leadership have to be of a particular variety? On issues concerning Muslims, why does the Government consult primarily those who have religious identities? Why does the mainstream media concentrate on highlighting the opinion of a few men with beards and skull-caps? Why do all these people have to be men? Why has everybody forgotten about the Muslim women who comprise 50% of the community? How can any opinion that leaves out half the community be relied upon? No wonder the Muslim leadership has failed to find solutions to the pressing issues.
As for the question mark on the patriotism of Muslims, the question mark is actually on the Indianness of some of the self-styled guardians of the Indian nation. The truth is that Muslims are as Indian as anybody else. The debate on this issue is humbug generated by vested interests clad either in saffron or green. Are you a Muslim first or an Indian is a non-substantive question raised with mala fide intentions and is best ignored.
In spite of the prevailing situation there has been a sure and steady stirring within the community. There are ordinary citizens who want to do something for the community and society. They are teachers, students, businesspersons, professionals, and most importantly, women — people who have multiple identities like most other Indians. Thousands of ordinary Muslim women spread across the country are working tirelessly towards meaningful and responsible participation in India’s democracy. They believe in the values of equality, justice and democracy enshrined in the Constitution. They are working to make democracy a reality. Most of them have struggled to survive difficult personal and social circumstances and are now standing by others like them. Gujarat 2002 is a dark blot on the history of independent India, as is 1984. But most people may not be aware of a positive fallout of 2002. The way the riot-affected women of Gujarat have fought the
battle for justice is historic. It is a pity that our patriarchal leaders do not feel the need to talk about this. “Hume insaf chahiye, madad nahi [We want justice, not help],” was an assertion we heard in Gujarat repeatedly. Even as the larger community was dejected and resigned to its fate as almost second-class citizens, it was the women who continued the fight for justice. They said, “Can’t we go to the Supreme Court? Can’t we go to Parliament?” When innocent boys were picked up under the draconian POTA, thousands of them came out on the streets of Ahmedabad and bravely demanded the arrest of the culprits, some of whom were sitting members in the State Government. Similar incidents took place in Mumbai following the 1992 riots, and in other places.
The story has only grown in 2009. Thousands of Muslim women activists are struggling to bring to the fore the community’s sane, alternative and progressive voice. These women are demanding a comprehensive implementation of the Sachar Committee recommendations, even as they are working to disseminate its findings. They are asking Government officers what they have done for them. They are using Right to Information to enforce accountability in various Government institutions. Slowly but clearly a collective feminine voice is emerging: we too are human beings and want to be recognised. We want jobs, we want schools for our children, we want a life of dignity. We want security and safety. We want respect and we want to respect all. We want a world where there is space for all, irrespective of religion, caste and sex. We want freedom for ourselves and our sisters and brothers. We won’t tolerate the diktat of some self-appointed leaders. We oppose
them as much as we oppose the Hindutva communalists. We are determined to fight the communalists and the patriarchal fanatics with equal resolution, because for us it is a question of life and death. God has endowed us with the ability to think and made us capable of making our own decisions; and we make decisions that are in our interests and in the interests of our families, our society and the world. We will not tolerate injustice and we will not allow injustice to take place around us. We will fight for our rights. We will carry out our responsibilities as the citizens of our country and participate in the affairs of the world.
It is not religion that has treated Muslim women unjustly, but the supposedly religious men. The Muslim woman has been treated unfairly by the distorted interpretations of Islam’s religious texts by some ulemas. What is most abominable is that these ulemas have made it a habit of dispersing injustice in the name of religion. I, for one, like thousand others, do not want to get into the details about which line, which verse, which chapter prevents a woman from doing this or that. I refuse to play this power game. I do not have to be a scholar to know that my God is just; I do not have to go to a seminary to know that I am as equal as anyone else in front of my God. I do not need dubious experts to tell me what is right and what is wrong for me, for I rely on my common sense and my heart. It is a matter between me and my God and I refuse to recognise the middlemen.
Isn’t Islam a religion of justice, equality, kindness and humanity? How can then some Muslims be more equal than others? How can Muslim men be more equal than Muslim women? How can privileges be heaped on one section while another section is excluded? This is discrimination, this is injustice. And it is common knowledge that discrimination and injustice are un-Islamic
Zakia Soman is a founder member of Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (Indian Muslim Women's Movement'). She can be contacted on LISTEN TO THE MUSLIM WOMAN’S VOICE by Zakia Soman
Women offer prayers during Eid al-Fitr at a school ground in Chennai on 21 September 2009 TEXT SIZE: S|M|L
India’s largest minority population lives in poverty and socio-economic exclusion even after 62 years of Independence. Muslims live in ghettos across the country with a persistent feeling of fear and insecurity. According to the Sachar Committee, around 4% of Muslims have managed to become graduates; Muslims have a very thin presence in banks, universities and in Government jobs. This sort of socio-economic backwardness could not have taken place overnight. Successive Governments have failed in their responsibility to enable Muslims to participate in India’s democracy. The nexus between the vote managers posing as community leaders and the supposedly secular political parties has ensured that the Muslim community remains mired in poverty, illiteracy, backwardness and insecurity. Living with communalism has become the fate of the ordinary Muslim. Since 1947 the community has been pushed to the margins, so much so that some experts feel
that they are the Dalits of tomorrow. Worse, unlike the Dalits, Muslims do not have any legacy of social mobilisation and political consciousness. The Dalits were fortunate to have visionaries like B.R. Ambedkar and Jotiba Phule. Muslims have no leadership worth the name; and whoever claims to be a community leader should own up to the all-round failure.
There are two important reasons, among others, for this dismal situation. One, the failure of the state to fulfil its welfare responsibility towards citizens in spite of the guarantees given by the Constitution; and two, the failure of the Muslim leadership, if one believes it exists. We are all aware how our democracy is marred by a corrupt and insincere polity which has no interest in the welfare of any of its excluded citizens, be it the Dalits, the Adivasis, the Muslims, the labour or the women. In the case of Muslims this is coupled with the failure to safeguard their lives and properties from communal violence. The discrimination faced by Muslims because of communal mindsets, particularly among the police and sections of the bureaucracy, is a commonly lived reality. Why else would the Sachar Committee recommend a full-fledged sensitisation programme? The community has little or no access to welfare schemes largely because of this communal
mindset, apart from a general lack of education within the community. The rise of communal and fascist political parties has added to Muslim fear and insecurity.
The second reason — lack of leadership — is equally important and has far-reaching implications. It is agreed that in a diverse country like ours Muslims are not a monolithic community. There are Urdu speaking Muslims, just as there are Tamil Muslims and Bengali Muslims. There are Sunnis, Shias, low castes and OBCs. And then there are men, women and the youth including girls and boys. Apart from faith there is another common factor that has acquired a huge importance in recent times. It is about how they are perceived by the larger world as a community: “Muslims are dirty; Muslims are backward; Muslims are not patriotic; Muslims are terrorists.”
While the challenges faced by the community are of Herculean proportions, the fractured Muslim leadership neither has the commitment nor the competence to address these problems. They are obsessed with non-substantive and seemingly emotive issues. Unfortunately, it suits various Governments that no real demands are made for education, jobs, financial assistance, health facilities, security, etc. All that the latter have to do is to pander to these dubious elements and thus “take care” of almost 15% of the Indian population. The community has paid a huge price because of this. The leadership is not challenged and the Government gets away without fulfilling its welfare obligations.
Why does the Muslim leadership have to be of a particular variety? On issues concerning Muslims, why does the Government consult primarily those who have religious identities? Why does the mainstream media concentrate on highlighting the opinion of a few men with beards and skull-caps? Why do all these people have to be men? Why has everybody forgotten about the Muslim women who comprise 50% of the community? How can any opinion that leaves out half the community be relied upon? No wonder the Muslim leadership has failed to find solutions to the pressing issues.
As for the question mark on the patriotism of Muslims, the question mark is actually on the Indianness of some of the self-styled guardians of the Indian nation. The truth is that Muslims are as Indian as anybody else. The debate on this issue is humbug generated by vested interests clad either in saffron or green. Are you a Muslim first or an Indian is a non-substantive question raised with mala fide intentions and is best ignored.
In spite of the prevailing situation there has been a sure and steady stirring within the community. There are ordinary citizens who want to do something for the community and society. They are teachers, students, businesspersons, professionals, and most importantly, women — people who have multiple identities like most other Indians. Thousands of ordinary Muslim women spread across the country are working tirelessly towards meaningful and responsible participation in India’s democracy. They believe in the values of equality, justice and democracy enshrined in the Constitution. They are working to make democracy a reality. Most of them have struggled to survive difficult personal and social circumstances and are now standing by others like them. Gujarat 2002 is a dark blot on the history of independent India, as is 1984. But most people may not be aware of a positive fallout of 2002. The way the riot-affected women of Gujarat have fought the
battle for justice is historic. It is a pity that our patriarchal leaders do not feel the need to talk about this. “Hume insaf chahiye, madad nahi [We want justice, not help],” was an assertion we heard in Gujarat repeatedly. Even as the larger community was dejected and resigned to its fate as almost second-class citizens, it was the women who continued the fight for justice. They said, “Can’t we go to the Supreme Court? Can’t we go to Parliament?” When innocent boys were picked up under the draconian POTA, thousands of them came out on the streets of Ahmedabad and bravely demanded the arrest of the culprits, some of whom were sitting members in the State Government. Similar incidents took place in Mumbai following the 1992 riots, and in other places.
The story has only grown in 2009. Thousands of Muslim women activists are struggling to bring to the fore the community’s sane, alternative and progressive voice. These women are demanding a comprehensive implementation of the Sachar Committee recommendations, even as they are working to disseminate its findings. They are asking Government officers what they have done for them. They are using Right to Information to enforce accountability in various Government institutions. Slowly but clearly a collective feminine voice is emerging: we too are human beings and want to be recognised. We want jobs, we want schools for our children, we want a life of dignity. We want security and safety. We want respect and we want to respect all. We want a world where there is space for all, irrespective of religion, caste and sex. We want freedom for ourselves and our sisters and brothers. We won’t tolerate the diktat of some self-appointed leaders. We oppose
them as much as we oppose the Hindutva communalists. We are determined to fight the communalists and the patriarchal fanatics with equal resolution, because for us it is a question of life and death. God has endowed us with the ability to think and made us capable of making our own decisions; and we make decisions that are in our interests and in the interests of our families, our society and the world. We will not tolerate injustice and we will not allow injustice to take place around us. We will fight for our rights. We will carry out our responsibilities as the citizens of our country and participate in the affairs of the world.
It is not religion that has treated Muslim women unjustly, but the supposedly religious men. The Muslim woman has been treated unfairly by the distorted interpretations of Islam’s religious texts by some ulemas. What is most abominable is that these ulemas have made it a habit of dispersing injustice in the name of religion. I, for one, like thousand others, do not want to get into the details about which line, which verse, which chapter prevents a woman from doing this or that. I refuse to play this power game. I do not have to be a scholar to know that my God is just; I do not have to go to a seminary to know that I am as equal as anyone else in front of my God. I do not need dubious experts to tell me what is right and what is wrong for me, for I rely on my common sense and my heart. It is a matter between me and my God and I refuse to recognise the middlemen.
Isn’t Islam a religion of justice, equality, kindness and humanity? How can then some Muslims be more equal than others? How can Muslim men be more equal than Muslim women? How can privileges be heaped on one section while another section is excluded? This is discrimination, this is injustice. And it is common knowledge that discrimination and injustice are un-Islamic [¼]
Zakia Soman is a founder member of Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan ('Indian Muslim Women's Movement'). She can be contacted on LISTEN TO THE MUSLIM WOMAN’S VOICE by Zakia Soman
Women offer prayers during Eid al-Fitr at a school ground in Chennai on 21 September 2009 TEXT SIZE: S|M|L
India’s largest minority population lives in poverty and socio-economic exclusion even after 62 years of Independence. Muslims live in ghettos across the country with a persistent feeling of fear and insecurity. According to the Sachar Committee, around 4% of Muslims have managed to become graduates; Muslims have a very thin presence in banks, universities and in Government jobs. This sort of socio-economic backwardness could not have taken place overnight. Successive Governments have failed in their responsibility to enable Muslims to participate in India’s democracy. The nexus between the vote managers posing as community leaders and the supposedly secular political parties has ensured that the Muslim community remains mired in poverty, illiteracy, backwardness and insecurity. Living with communalism has become the fate of the ordinary Muslim. Since 1947 the community has been pushed to the margins, so much so that some experts feel
that they are the Dalits of tomorrow. Worse, unlike the Dalits, Muslims do not have any legacy of social mobilisation and political consciousness. The Dalits were fortunate to have visionaries like B.R. Ambedkar and Jotiba Phule. Muslims have no leadership worth the name; and whoever claims to be a community leader should own up to the all-round failure.
There are two important reasons, among others, for this dismal situation. One, the failure of the state to fulfil its welfare responsibility towards citizens in spite of the guarantees given by the Constitution; and two, the failure of the Muslim leadership, if one believes it exists. We are all aware how our democracy is marred by a corrupt and insincere polity which has no interest in the welfare of any of its excluded citizens, be it the Dalits, the Adivasis, the Muslims, the labour or the women. In the case of Muslims this is coupled with the failure to safeguard their lives and properties from communal violence. The discrimination faced by Muslims because of communal mindsets, particularly among the police and sections of the bureaucracy, is a commonly lived reality. Why else would the Sachar Committee recommend a full-fledged sensitisation programme? The community has little or no access to welfare schemes largely because of this communal
mindset, apart from a general lack of education within the community. The rise of communal and fascist political parties has added to Muslim fear and insecurity.
The second reason — lack of leadership — is equally important and has far-reaching implications. It is agreed that in a diverse country like ours Muslims are not a monolithic community. There are Urdu speaking Muslims, just as there are Tamil Muslims and Bengali Muslims. There are Sunnis, Shias, low castes and OBCs. And then there are men, women and the youth including girls and boys. Apart from faith there is another common factor that has acquired a huge importance in recent times. It is about how they are perceived by the larger world as a community: “Muslims are dirty; Muslims are backward; Muslims are not patriotic; Muslims are terrorists.”
While the challenges faced by the community are of Herculean proportions, the fractured Muslim leadership neither has the commitment nor the competence to address these problems. They are obsessed with non-substantive and seemingly emotive issues. Unfortunately, it suits various Governments that no real demands are made for education, jobs, financial assistance, health facilities, security, etc. All that the latter have to do is to pander to these dubious elements and thus “take care” of almost 15% of the Indian population. The community has paid a huge price because of this. The leadership is not challenged and the Government gets away without fulfilling its welfare obligations.
Why does the Muslim leadership have to be of a particular variety? On issues concerning Muslims, why does the Government consult primarily those who have religious identities? Why does the mainstream media concentrate on highlighting the opinion of a few men with beards and skull-caps? Why do all these people have to be men? Why has everybody forgotten about the Muslim women who comprise 50% of the community? How can any opinion that leaves out half the community be relied upon? No wonder the Muslim leadership has failed to find solutions to the pressing issues.
As for the question mark on the patriotism of Muslims, the question mark is actually on the Indianness of some of the self-styled guardians of the Indian nation. The truth is that Muslims are as Indian as anybody else. The debate on this issue is humbug generated by vested interests clad either in saffron or green. Are you a Muslim first or an Indian is a non-substantive question raised with mala fide intentions and is best ignored.
In spite of the prevailing situation there has been a sure and steady stirring within the community. There are ordinary citizens who want to do something for the community and society. They are teachers, students, businesspersons, professionals, and most importantly, women — people who have multiple identities like most other Indians. Thousands of ordinary Muslim women spread across the country are working tirelessly towards meaningful and responsible participation in India’s democracy. They believe in the values of equality, justice and democracy enshrined in the Constitution. They are working to make democracy a reality. Most of them have struggled to survive difficult personal and social circumstances and are now standing by others like them. Gujarat 2002 is a dark blot on the history of independent India, as is 1984. But most people may not be aware of a positive fallout of 2002. The way the riot-affected women of Gujarat have fought the
battle for justice is historic. It is a pity that our patriarchal leaders do not feel the need to talk about this. “Hume insaf chahiye, madad nahi [We want justice, not help],” was an assertion we heard in Gujarat repeatedly. Even as the larger community was dejected and resigned to its fate as almost second-class citizens, it was the women who continued the fight for justice. They said, “Can’t we go to the Supreme Court? Can’t we go to Parliament?” When innocent boys were picked up under the draconian POTA, thousands of them came out on the streets of Ahmedabad and bravely demanded the arrest of the culprits, some of whom were sitting members in the State Government. Similar incidents took place in Mumbai following the 1992 riots, and in other places.
The story has only grown in 2009. Thousands of Muslim women activists are struggling to bring to the fore the community’s sane, alternative and progressive voice. These women are demanding a comprehensive implementation of the Sachar Committee recommendations, even as they are working to disseminate its findings. They are asking Government officers what they have done for them. They are using Right to Information to enforce accountability in various Government institutions. Slowly but clearly a collective feminine voice is emerging: we too are human beings and want to be recognised. We want jobs, we want schools for our children, we want a life of dignity. We want security and safety. We want respect and we want to respect all. We want a world where there is space for all, irrespective of religion, caste and sex. We want freedom for ourselves and our sisters and brothers. We won’t tolerate the diktat of some self-appointed leaders. We oppose
them as much as we oppose the Hindutva communalists. We are determined to fight the communalists and the patriarchal fanatics with equal resolution, because for us it is a question of life and death. God has endowed us with the ability to think and made us capable of making our own decisions; and we make decisions that are in our interests and in the interests of our families, our society and the world. We will not tolerate injustice and we will not allow injustice to take place around us. We will fight for our rights. We will carry out our responsibilities as the citizens of our country and participate in the affairs of the world.
It is not religion that has treated Muslim women unjustly, but the supposedly religious men. The Muslim woman has been treated unfairly by the distorted interpretations of Islam’s religious texts by some ulemas. What is most abominable is that these ulemas have made it a habit of dispersing injustice in the name of religion. I, for one, like thousand others, do not want to get into the details about which line, which verse, which chapter prevents a woman from doing this or that. I refuse to play this power game. I do not have to be a scholar to know that my God is just; I do not have to go to a seminary to know that I am as equal as anyone else in front of my God. I do not need dubious experts to tell me what is right and what is wrong for me, for I rely on my common sense and my heart. It is a matter between me and my God and I refuse to recognise the middlemen.
Isn’t Islam a religion of justice, equality, kindness and humanity? How can then some Muslims be more equal than others? How can Muslim men be more equal than Muslim women? How can privileges be heaped on one section while another section is excluded? This is discrimination, this is injustice. And it is common knowledge that discrimination and injustice are un-Islamic.
There is a un-formal group called "Friends for Human Rights" in Lko with the purpose of educating people about their Human Rights through educational programmes.
From: pcin <pcin_v@...> Subject: [PUCL] salam to all members To: PUCL@yahoogroups.com Date: Sunday, 29 November, 2009, 9:14 PM
Ap log jo kaam anjaam derahe hain woh ek Mission hai.main ap logon ke ia org.joint kar ke ek sachche Bharat wasi ka saboot dena chahta hun. Allah Hafiz. Jaihind Jai Bharat, Abuyusuf, 25,A-Rd,barinager, Po.Telco Works, Jamshedpur,831004. Cell No.9801535656
Even as attention is focused on the upcoming talks at Copenhagen, few of us in India have noted a dangerous side negotiation that has been taking place alongside the main talks. These negotiations have concerned a scheme called "REDD", which could result in a massive land grab across India's forest and adivasi belts, one that would make the current conflicts over land acquisition look minor.
REDD is a proposed mechanism whereby industrial countries would pay for forest protection in developing countries (most likely through trading in "carbon credits" earned by such activities), ostensibly to mitigate climate change. The government of India strongly supports REDD and wants it to not only cover protection of existing forests but also afforestation. But what seems like a good idea - rich countries paying people to protect their forests - will actually produce disaster. In a situation where the government refuses to acknowledge the rights of forest dwelling communities, stamping a financial value on forests, and moreover, bringing in private companies interested in earning carbon credits, is an invitation to land grabbing. Moreover, there is good reason to believe that REDD will in no way actually address climate change. Under the cover of "green" activities, what REDD is likely to become is a massive scam - and a huge source of conflict across India's already burning forest belts.
For more information, see our two page background note on REDD, available at:
it is shocking to note that in the kaiga nuclear power plant heavy water has mixed with drinking water and so many emp are hospitalised.whether pucl friends can act in tandem and find out from the insiders of the department and take up this serious isssue.
Ap log jo kaam anjaam derahe hain woh ek Mission hai.main ap logon ke ia
org.joint kar ke ek sachche Bharat wasi ka saboot dena chahta hun.
Allah Hafiz.
Jaihind Jai Bharat,
Abuyusuf,
25,A-Rd,barinager,Po.Telco Works,
Jamshedpur,831004.
Cell No.9801535656
R.Ajayan Convener Plachimada Solidarity Committee Ph:- Res 0471-2730464 Mob- 09847142513 Res Add - Neerajam, Kudappanakunnu, Trivandrum-695043 Kerala, India
----- Forwarded Message ---- From: India Resource Center <info@...> To: India Resource Center <info@...> Sent: Mon, November 23, 2009 4:07:46 PM Subject: Communities Protest Coca-Cola's Use of Water, Climate Injustice
MEDIA ADVISORY
Communities Protest Coca-Cola's Use of Water, Highlight Climate Injustice
What: Protest and March Against Coca-Cola and Rally for Climate Justice
When:MONDAY, NOVEMBER 30 11 am
Where: Coca-Cola Bottling Plant, Mehdiganj, Varanasi, India
Why: Mehdiganj and surrounding villages, located 20 kms from Varanasi, have been experiencing severe water shortages ever since Coca-Cola started operations in the area in 2000. Government data has confirmed that groundwater levels have dropped six meters in just the first six years of Coca-Cola's operations, and the area now has the worst water conditions in the entire district of Varanasi.
Mehdiganj was declared a drought area in 2009, and India experienced its worst
drought in the last 40 years. June 2009 was the driest month if June in the last 80 years in India.
Over 5000 villagers will march and protest to demand that Coca-Cola shut down its bottling plant in Mehdiganj because it denies them their fundamental human right - access to water. The communities are also highlighting the impacts of climate change - drought - and the climate injustice being meted out by the Coca-Cola company that has continued to extract millions of liters of water even as the community is unable to meet its basic water needs.
"What is more important? Meeting the water needs of a community and farming or mass producing Coca-Cola from a depleting groundwater resource? The answer to us is clear, and Coca-Cola has to go," said Nandlal Master of Lok Samiti.
Contact: Nandlal Master, Lok Samiti, India E: napm_up@... T: +91 94153 00520 Amit Srivastava,
India Resource Center, India/US E: info@... T: +1 415 336 7584 (US) +91 98103 46161 (India)
i understand your concern but when everyou indicate such thing dont forget about the act of our previous freedom fighter . They also had involved in " terriost" activities. So we should decided according to the objective situation of such incident and intention of the incident. some may have pure criminal ground and others may have political ground . This is my view
Thank You !
VD Joshi
--- On Sat, 24/10/09, Arabinda Tagore <thakurda@...> wrote:
"The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) has said it will file a writ petition in the Supreme Court challenging the Karnataka High Court’s order asking a woman who had converted to Islam to marry a Muslim man from Kerala, to return to her parents’ home until the case was investigated."
WE are a NGO who forward the problems of commen men to the govt etc. and help them free and voluntary.
corruption is the root cause of police malfuction. In this matter we are with you.
If we can help or join this movement we feel happpy. any one can send their opinion to us . feerl free to write and contact us
vichar
jansahyoga kendra
near adinath motors
rly malgodam Road
tilak ganj sagar (M.P.)
Pin code 470002
INDIA
jansevasgr@... --- On Wed, 11/25/09, Campaign for Survival and Dignity <forestcampaignnews@...> wrote:
From: Campaign for Survival and Dignity <forestcampaignnews@...> Subject: [PUCL] Police Kill Two in Orissa, Government Resource Grabbing Continues To: forestcampaign@... Date: Wednesday, November 25, 2009, 10:28 AM
The Great Resource Grab Continues: People Fight for Law, Government Throws It To The Winds
Friends,
On November 20th, the police opened fire on an unarmed protest rally in Narayanpatna, Orissa, by the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha and killed three people. The Campaign condemns these murders – for that is what they are - in the strongest possible terms. Meanwhile, adivasi groups organised demonstrations across Andhra Pradesh yesterday against the State government's illegal move to record community forest management rights and powers in the name of Joint Forest Management committees – which function as proxies of the Forest Department. In Andhra Pradesh or in Orissa, the irony is the same: it is the people who are fighting for the law, and the government that is using all the force possible to
break it. In Delhi we find the Prime Minister and the Home Minister talking of the “rule of law” all the time, but for the government it seems that the “rule of law” is just another word for the rule of brute force.
The Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha is an adivasi movement that came to attention earlier this year when it mobilised to take back adivasi lands. The lands had been illegally taken over by non-tribals, in violation of the Orissa Land Reforms Act and the Orissa Scheduled Areas Transfer of Immovable Property Regulation. Though the government insists, as usual, on calling the Sangha a “Maoist front” and a “Maoist overground organisation” , the Sangha's leaders have always been very clear that they are not linked to the CPI(Maoist) and have publicly stated their differences with the Maoists. They have organised people in a mass movement for adivasi land rights. This movement, of course, is intolerable for the government and for powerful interests; so, as usual, those fighting for people's
rights are labelled Maoists and, on this pretext, killing, beatings and torture all are considered justifiable.
On the 20th, the adivasis gathered to protest harassment of women and children, including beatings, that had taken place during so-called “combing operations” in the preceding days. According to fact finding reports, they were not carrying even their traditional bows and arrows. The police opened fire within half an hour of the protest reaching the police station. An estimated 60 people have been injured (no injuries to police have been reported) and those injured are not receiving medical treatment. The police are still engaged in combing operations and have arrested a number of other adivasis. There is no report of any action being taken against those responsible for the killings.
In Andhra Pradesh, meanwhile, a quieter attack on democracy is underway. The Forest Rights Act recognises the right and power of forest dwellers to protect, conserve and manage their “community forest resources”. This was the biggest step forward in this law, and it is the one part that the government appears most keen not to respect. In AP, the Forest Department has found a new trick to get around these provisions – it has persuaded the State government to confer community management rights under the Act on Joint Forest Management committees, which have forest guards as their secretaries / joint account holders and are effectively controlled by the Department. This is completely illegal and amounts to robbing people's resources through the back door. But, once again, we find deafening silence or active support from the Central government for these illegal activities, and reportedly AP
has even been cited as a 'model' by Central officials for this action.
Thus the struggle of the people for control over their resources and their livelihoods continues. The question that the government has to answer is very simple: does it actually believe in the rule of law? Or does it believe in crushing all those who fight for the very laws that it has passed?
The Great Resource Grab Continues: People Fight for Law, Government Throws It To The Winds
Friends,
On
November 20th,
the police opened fire on an unarmed protest rally in Narayanpatna,
Orissa, by the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha and killed three people. The Campaign condemns these murders for that is what they are -
in the strongest possible terms. Meanwhile, adivasi groups organised
demonstrations across Andhra Pradesh yesterday against the State
government's illegal move to record community forest management
rights and powers in the name of Joint Forest Management committees
which function as proxies of the Forest Department. In
Andhra Pradesh or in Orissa, the irony is the same: it is the people
who are fighting for the law, and the government that is using all
the force possible to break it. In Delhi we find the Prime Minister
and the Home Minister talking of the rule of law all the time,
but for the government it seems that the rule of law is just
another word for the rule of brute force.
The
Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha is an adivasi movement that came to
attention earlier this year when it mobilised to take back adivasi
lands. The lands had been illegally taken over by non-tribals, in
violation of the Orissa Land Reforms Act and the Orissa Scheduled
Areas Transfer of Immovable Property Regulation. Though the
government insists, as usual, on calling the Sangha a Maoist
front and a Maoist overground organisation, the Sangha's
leaders have always been very clear that they are not linked to the
CPI(Maoist) and have publicly stated their differences with the
Maoists. They have organised people in a mass movement for adivasi
land rights. This movement, of course, is intolerable for the
government and for powerful interests; so, as usual, those fighting
for people's rights are labelled Maoists and, on this pretext,
killing, beatings and torture all are considered justifiable.
On
the 20th,
the adivasis gathered to protest harassment of women and children,
including beatings, that had taken place during so-called combing
operations in the preceding days. According to fact finding
reports, they were not carrying even their traditional bows and
arrows. The police opened fire within half an hour of the protest
reaching the police station. An estimated 60 people have been
injured (no injuries to police have been reported) and those injured
are not receiving medical treatment. The police are still engaged in
combing operations and have arrested a number of other adivasis. There is no report of any action being taken against those
responsible for the killings.
In
Andhra Pradesh, meanwhile, a quieter attack on democracy is underway.
The Forest Rights Act recognises the right and power of forest
dwellers to protect, conserve and manage their community forest
resources. This was the biggest step forward in this law, and it
is the one part that the government appears most keen not to respect.
In AP, the Forest Department has found a new trick to get around
these provisions it has persuaded the State government to confer
community management rights under the Act on Joint Forest Management
committees, which have forest guards as their secretaries / joint
account holders and are effectively controlled by the Department. This is completely illegal and amounts to robbing people's resources
through the back door. But, once again, we find deafening silence or
active support from the Central government for these illegal
activities, and reportedly AP has even been cited as a 'model' by
Central officials for this action.
Thus
the struggle of the people for control over their resources and their
livelihoods continues. The question that the government has to
answer is very simple: does it actually believe in the rule of law? Or does it believe in crushing all those who fight for the very laws
that it has passed?
From:S Faizi [mailto:ecology@...] Sent: Wednesday, November 25, 2009
To: 'jairam54@...';
'envisect@...' Subject: Bt Brinjal: On the need
for securing biosafety
Shri Jayaram Ramesh
Hon Minister of Envt and Forests
New Delhi
Honourable Minister,
We are deeply concerned about the approval by the GEAC of
the Bt Brinjal for field introduction in the country. We appeal you to reject
the decision of GEAC and to secure the national biosafety. GM food poses a new and
serious threat to biodiversity, human health and local economy. It is based on
outdated science that does not take cognizance of the complexity of the DNA,
proteins, RNA system within a given cytoplasm and clings to the dogma of
one-gene-one-protein (while, in human body for example, there are hardly 40000
genes, there are over a lakh different proteins). However, in the event the
Ministry is going ahead with the approval for introduction of Bt Brinjal, even
before the Supreme Court delivers its verdict on the pending case on GM crops
in the country, we would urge you to institute the following measures before
the crop is introduced on our farms and its produce appears on our markets, in
line with India’s commitment to Article 8.g of the Biodiversity Convention
and its Cartegena Biosafety Protocol:
1) Mandatory labeling
Before the release of GM food into the environment (farm,
market), legal provision should be created for the mandatory labeling of such
food. This is in line with the model of countries that have allowed a few GM
food on their markets. Labeling must be required for LMOs, GM food, feed and
processed material.
2) Regulatory capacity building
The national capacity to regulate and inspect such food
should also be created. The institutional capacity for monitoring genetic
contamination of natural crops from GM crops should be established. Several
independent labs should be established (or capacity enhancement of existing
ones) in different parts of the country for the ready determination of GM
content in LMOs and GM food- both qualitatively and quantitatively.
3) Liability and compensation
In line with the principle of liability and compensation
contained in the Rio Declaration which has been legalized by the Biodiversity
Convention, a national law should be created to hold entities responsible for
the adverse environmental, health and economic consequences of the introduction
of GM crops/food and to elicit compensation from such entities. The provision
of liability also should be extended to the public servants sitting on
regulatory bodies bearing the mandate of protecting the nation from such
adverse impacts by neglecting the precautionary principle that is central to
international environmental law as well as the country’s jurisprudence.
4) No forcing on unwilling states
Several state govts have, in public interest, already
expressed their rejection of the GM crop in their respective states.
Agriculture being a state subject, separate approval from the state concerned
should be required before GM crop is introduced in that state.
Shiv Sena and its new Avtar MNS are undoubtedly anti-people political forces.
The ruling elite is nurturing them to play divisive politics to remain in
power.Both these parties are indulging in venomous propaganda against
non-Maharashtrians, without addressing the basic issues of the Maharashtrian
people. The neo-liberal policies of the Govt are resulting in job-cuts,
increased poverty, and heavy strain on public utilities and services, to
safeguard the profits of MNCs and their Indian partners.A divide amongst the
people on caste, region, religion or any other basis is the best bet for the
Govt to continue with its anti-people and anti-national policies. While claiming
to fight terrorism, the Congress and the BJP are propping up a new brand of
terrorists, who have the capacity to hold the whole Mumbai & even Maharashtra to
ransom. The State Police or the CBI are not going to take any decisive action
against these forces as they enjoy state patronage and serve its interests. A
militant & democratic peoples movement is required. In Punjab during the height
of Khalistani militancy, we organised a Front against Communalism & Repression,
which valiantly fought against the Khalistani terrorists as well as the police
excesses in the form of fake encounters. The people of Mumbai must realise that
Shiv Sena & MNS are exploiting their regional sentiments just to grab Gaddi.
--- In PUCL@yahoogroups.com, Sandeep Vaidya <vaidyasandeep2000@...> wrote:
>
> Shameful act
> PUCL Press Statement on attack against IBN Lokmat
>
> -- by Pushkar Raj, General Secretary, PUCL, 21 Nov., 2009
>
> http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Media/2009/shivsena-ibn.html
>
It is seems to be like that only. I don't understand why these people follow such kind of one way policy . No body interested in my points. I feel if they support me their secular image will tarnish. Any how thanks for writing
have a nice time.
tushar --- On Sat, 11/7/09, arvind kumar <arvindkr76@...> wrote:
From: arvind kumar <arvindkr76@...> Subject: [PUCL] Is loving a muslim girl and marring her is a crime? rajnish killed in Kashmir To: sdptushar@... Cc: PUCL@yahoogroups.com Date: Saturday, November 7, 2009, 10:53 AM
Brother,PUCL people are looking only their own interests.Present PUCL is not of Mr.Tarkunde' s PUCL.
So,giving much attention to these people.
Actually,PUCL, has become a group to save their own well being .not the society's poor,oppressed and system victims.
It goes without saying that violence in any form is completely unjustified &, should not be resorted to in anysituation whatsoever. In a functioning democracy like our country we have ample forums to redress all sorts of grievances.
The Courts of our country are doing a wonderful job so far as dispensation of justice is concerned. Moreover, there is a higher forumfor appeal, if any party is dissatisfied with the pronouncement of a lower forum / court.
Sincerely,
Pankaj Verma, Adv.
On Thu, Oct 29, 2009 at 7:45 PM, Divakar Narayanra <ndv1961@...> wrote:
The Actions of theMaoists is certainly condemnable by all right thinking persons be it PUCL or any other organisation. Revolution or Maoist thoughts does not endorse such kind of adventurism and romanticism of political movements. The Maoistsare off the track and are acting against the interests of thevery people whomthey confess to represent. But it is also true that the state has failed to tackle the maoists in a proper democratic way. Treating the peoples' movements for their basic rights as law and order problem and tackling the samethrough military measures does not augur well for a democratic set up.The maoists should shunkiller politics and PUCL stands for human rights and man's right to live, be it a cop or a farmer or a worker and human beings and surely you will agree maoists are a part of human race, but not in agreement with the existing system. Betterthe government negotiate with them in a democratic atmosphere. The maoists cannot shun negotiation if they are truly representing thedown trodden masses.
"The Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) has said it will file a
writ petition in the Supreme Court challenging the Karnataka High Courts order asking a woman who had converted to Islam to marry a Muslim man from Kerala, to return to her parents home until the case was investigated."
Brother,PUCL people are looking only their own interests.Present PUCL is not of
Mr.Tarkunde's PUCL.
So,giving much attention to these people.
Actually,PUCL,has become a group to save their own well being .not the society's
poor,oppressed and system victims.
Akr.
From cricket scores to your friends. Try the Yahoo! India Homepage!
http://in.yahoo.com/trynew
Dear Friends,
Despite the fact that Jagdish Tytler's role in Delhi carnage is well documented
by the PUCL and some other human rights organisations, but no sincere attempt
has been made by any one to bring him before the law. He has been able to escape
from the clutches of law due to his unmatched capacity to buy eye-witnesses and
unqualified support from his political masters. Let us find some Teesta Setalvad
to prosecute him.
N.K.Jeet
Sudeep
Advocates Bathinda
--- In PUCL@yahoogroups.com, Khalid Azam <khalidazam@...> wrote:
>
>
>
>
http://www.hindustantimes.com/indians-abroad/europe/Jagdish-Tytler-s-UK-visit-bl\
ocked-over-1984-Sikh-massacre/Article1-473619.aspx
> 'Jagdish Tytler's UK visit blocked over 1984 Sikh massacre'Indo-Asian News
ServiceLondon, November 07, 2009First Published:�00:37 IST(7/11/2009)
> Former minister Jagdish Tytler was dropped from the Indian delegation for the
launch of the Commonwealth Games baton relay in London last week, Sikh groups
said after a British MP asked Scotland Yard to arrest him for his role in the
1984 Sikh massacre.
> �
> Rob Marris, MP and chair of the British parliament's all-party group on Sikhs,
said he objected to Tytler's planned Oct 29 entry to Britain in an emergency
meeting with the Junior Foreign Office Minister responsible for India, Ivan
Lewis, and in a letter to Foreign Secretary David Miliband.
> �
> Sikh groups said Tytler was dropped from the Indian delegation at the eleventh
hour after Marris wrote to Miliband on Oct 28, saying the presence in Britain of
the former minister of state for overseas Indian affairs was "unacceptable".
> �
> However, Indian diplomats said they had no knowledge the reported plans by
Tytler to visit Britain.
> �
> Invitation cards sent more than a week in advance of the baton relay launch
Oct 29 mentioned the presence of only Games Organising Committee chairman Suresh
Kalmadi and Sports Minister MS Gill.�
> �
> In his letter to Miliband, Morris described Tytler as "a controversial former
politician from India, who is alleged to have been deeply involved in the
November 1984 anti-Sikh pogroms in India, in the aftermath of the assassination
of Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi".�
> �
> "Many survivors of those harrowing events are now living in the UK; as are the
relatives of many victims. It would be unacceptable for someone who had
committed such acts to be admitted to the UK, even to visit," said the MP, whose
constituents in west-central England include many Sikhs.�
> �
> Marris recalled his campaign at a meeting in the British parliament on
Wednesday to mark the 25th anniversary of the Delhi massacre, in which more than
3,000 Sikhs died.
> �
> "You can't just go to the (London) Metropolitan police and say - as we tried
last week - that 'Jagdish Tytler is coming to Britain and we want you to
investigate him, imprison him'," Marris told the meeting.
> �
> "You have to present them with a sufficient cut-and-dry dossier. We only need
two or three of the ringleaders - not hundreds of them - so that if they set
foot in Britain, they get arrested and they get charged," Marris said.
> �
> The meeting was organised by the all-party parliamentary human rights group
and addressed by its chair Ann Clwyd, fellow-MP John McDonnell, Indian
journalist and author of an acclaimed book on the pogrom, Manoj Mitta, and
Bikramjit Batra of the human rights group Amnesty International, among others.
> �
> "Last week's exercise of barring Jagdish Tytler from coming here was useful,"
said McDonnell.
> �
> The Nanavati Commission said in its report submitted Aug 2005 that there is
evidence against Congress leaders Tytler, Sajjan Kumar and H.K.L. Bhagat for
instigating mobs to attack and kill Sikhs.
> �
> Tytler is chairman of the volunteers committee of the Commonwealth Games
Organising Committee.
>
we are a NGO working helping commen men. we are in view of caste and religion free society.
if any one who needs moral etc support for intercaste interreligion marraige. we are happy to help them.
please send your postal address for more information about our organisation . we will post our magazines etc to any one free of cost.
please join Vichar NGO for only human world no caste no religion every human is same we support equal rights to every one.
thanks
--- On Fri, 11/6/09, tshar c <sdptushar@...> wrote:
From: tshar c <sdptushar@...> Subject: [PUCL] Is loving a muslim girl and marring her is a crime? rajnish killed in Kashmir To: PUCL@yahoogroups.com Cc: "tushar prakash chandraghatgi" <sdptushar@...> Date: Friday, November 6, 2009, 12:19 AM
Few days back while dicussing about love jihad I wrote about the way how muslims act violently if their girl marry other religious boy. Here is a fresh example.
A case of ameena married to a hindu boy Rajanish in Kashmir. For more information you may go to any kashmiri news paper. bacause such news will not be printed in other so called secular news paper and no human rights (state or national) ,even govt will raise voice because that will damage their secular fabric. I don't understand whether we are living in Afganistan or in a secular state of India. If the same thing happened to a muslim boy then there will be huge cry from human rights , news channels even foreign news papers urge India govt. to bring culprits to justice. Now where these watch dogs are. Should I erase watch. I am very much confident that all PUCL members will raise voice against such heinous crime.
Former minister Jagdish Tytler was dropped from the Indian delegation for the launch of the Commonwealth Games baton relay in London
last week, Sikh groups said after a British MP asked Scotland Yard to arrest him for his role in the 1984 Sikh massacre.
Rob Marris, MP and chair of the British parliament's all-party group on Sikhs, said he objected to Tytler's planned Oct 29 entry to Britain in an emergency meeting with the Junior Foreign Office Minister responsible for India, Ivan Lewis, and in a letter to Foreign Secretary David Miliband.
Sikh groups said Tytler was dropped from the Indian delegation at the eleventh hour after Marris wrote to Miliband on Oct 28, saying the presence in Britain of the former minister of state for overseas Indian affairs was "unacceptable".
However, Indian diplomats said they had no knowledge the reported plans by Tytler to visit Britain.
Invitation cards sent more than a week in advance of the baton relay launch Oct 29 mentioned the presence of only Games Organising Committee chairman Suresh Kalmadi
and Sports Minister MS Gill.
In his letter to Miliband, Morris described Tytler as "a controversial former politician from India, who is alleged to have been deeply involved in the November 1984 anti-Sikh pogroms in India, in the aftermath of the assassination of Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi".
"Many survivors of those harrowing events are now living in the UK; as are the relatives of many victims. It would be unacceptable for someone who had committed such acts to be admitted to the UK, even to visit," said the MP, whose constituents in west-central England include many Sikhs.
Marris recalled his campaign at a meeting in the British parliament on Wednesday to mark the 25th anniversary of the Delhi massacre, in which more than 3,000 Sikhs died.
"You can't just go to the (London) Metropolitan police and say - as we tried last week - that 'Jagdish Tytler is coming to Britain and we
want you to investigate him, imprison him'," Marris told the meeting.
"You have to present them with a sufficient cut-and-dry dossier. We only need two or three of the ringleaders - not hundreds of them - so that if they set foot in Britain, they get arrested and they get charged," Marris said.
The meeting was organised by the all-party parliamentary human rights group and addressed by its chair Ann Clwyd, fellow-MP John McDonnell, Indian journalist and author of an acclaimed book on the pogrom, Manoj Mitta, and Bikramjit Batra of the human rights group Amnesty International, among others.
"Last week's exercise of barring Jagdish Tytler from coming here was useful," said McDonnell.
The Nanavati Commission said in its report submitted Aug 2005 that there is evidence against Congress leaders Tytler, Sajjan Kumar and H.K.L. Bhagat for instigating mobs to attack and kill Sikhs.
Tytler is
chairman of the volunteers committee of the Commonwealth Games Organising Committee.